Finland’s relations with Russia shortly explained

2024 By justmovingaround in FINLAND, History Tags: Finland, politics, Russia

While walking through Helsinki, it’s hard not to notice traces of Russia’s past – such as the statue of Tsar Alexander II standing proudly in the city’s main square. This striking contrast with today’s tense Finland’s relations with Russia invites a closer look at the history between these two neighbours. Impressions from the National Museum, along with a few historical facts, come together in a simple yet thought-provoking reflection on how the Finns have long strived to maintain their own identity.

Finland’s relations with Russia | Les relations de la Finlande avec la Russie | Finnlands Beziehungen zu Russland | Stosunki Finlandii z Rosją

Our trip to Helsinki was brief. After four busy days on the road exploring the Baltic states, we spent a few days in Tallinn, Estonia’s capital. To reach Helsinki, the capital of Finland, you just take a ferry, and in about three hours, you’re there. It was my first time in Finland, and my understanding of the country was quite basic. Because of my work, I had some idea of its geography and transport system. I was neither surprised seeing people bathing in a swimming pool on the Baltic shore by 17 degrees Celsius, coming in and out of the sauna. Saunas are the Finnish speciality (obviously). I knew the indigenous people in this country were Sami people.

And … I knew that Finland’s relations with Russia through its history were tough (or at least I thought I knew). But that in the main square of Helsinki I would see a statue of a Russian Tsar, and hear that he was loved in this country was more than unexpected.

Statue of Alexander II, Helsinki, Finland. The statue is localised in front of the Helsinki Cathedral.

In one day you cannot learn a country or its history. But as for three hours I left my company with a goal to visit the National Museum of Finland, going through its exhibitions I caught a bit the overall historical contex. Now with plenty of photos made there, with a prospect of visiting Finland once more, it is time to connect the dots.

In the medieval period, Sweden had a significant influence on the region, with the Kingdom of Sweden establishing control over Finland in the 13th century. The area remained under Swedish rule for several centuries. Following the Russo-Swedish War from 1808 to 1809, Finland was ceded from Sweden to Russia. Surprisingly, Finland’s relations with Russia became positive. Tsar Alexander I who ruled Russia in that time recognizing the strategic benefits of possessing Finland, decided to grant it extensive autonomy, establishing the Grand Duchy of Finland as an autonomous part of the Russian Empire. The Diet of Porvoo in 1809 was a key event, where Alexander I affirmed the rights and privileges of the Finns, promising to uphold the country’s laws and religion. This era is often seen as the beginning of a distinct Finnish national identity.

His follower, Tsar Alexander II also positively impacted Finland. His reign is often associated with a period of liberalization and national awakening in Finland. He initiated several reforms that furthered Finnish autonomy. Notably, he restored the Diet of Finland in 1863, after a long period of inactivity, and introduced the Language Ordinance of 1863, which gave Finnish equal status with Swedish. These actions were instrumental in promoting Finnish language and culture. Additionally, under his rule, Finland’s economy and infrastructure saw significant development, including the construction of the Finnish railway network. Alexander II’s era is often seen as a golden age of Finnish autonomy within the Russian Empire. Alexander II was very popular in Finland, and his assassination in 1881 was mourned in the Grand Duchy. His death marked the end of the liberal era, and subsequent Tsars, especially Nicholas II, reversed many of his policies, implementing the Russification efforts.

After Alexander II’s death, his successors initiated policies aimed at strengthening the empire’s unity. This included the Russification of Finland, a policy designed to integrate Finland more closely into the Russian Empire. These efforts involved imposing the Russian language in administration and education, and the introduction of Russian law, which eroded Finnish autonomy. Legislative powers were gradually transferred from Finnish institutions to the Russian emperor and his government. This eroded the unique position Finland had enjoyed and led to widespread resentment among the Finnish population. There was a clampdown on the Finnish press and cultural expressions that were seen as dissenting or promoting Finnish nationalism. Censorship was increased, and many Finnish cultural figures faced persecution.

In response to Russification and the suppression of their rights, Finns began to cultivate a stronger sense of national identity. This period saw the rise of Finnish nationalism, which sought to preserve Finnish culture, language, and autonomy. The resistance was mostly peaceful, focusing on cultural preservation and political lobbying. In 1905, Finns organized a general strike, demanding the restoration of the country’s autonomy and rights. The unrest in Finland coincided with the Russian Revolution. This led to the November Manifesto, in which Nicholas II restored many of the rights that had been previously revoked, including the Finnish Diet’s legislative powers. The turmoil of World War I and the subsequent Russian revolutions in 1917 provided Finland with an opportunity to seek full independence. On December 6, 1917, Finland declared its independence from Russia, which was recognized by the new Bolshevik government.

The Attack, a painting by Edvard Isto National Museum of Finland

The Attack, a painting by Edvard Isto from 1899 has become an emblematic depiction of the Russification of Finland and the Finnish resistance to it. In the painting, the double-headed eagle, a symbol of the Russian Empire, is shown in a menacing posture. One of its heads tears apart the Finnish Law Book, symbolizing Russia’s disregard for Finnish autonomy and legal system. The other head is poised to strike at a female figure, Suomi-neito, the Finnish Maiden. This character is a personification of Finland, often depicted as a young woman in national iconography, representing the nation itself. The imminent attack on Suomi-neito by the eagle is a metaphor for the threat posed by Russian policies to Finnish national identity and autonomy.

Shortly after the outbreak of World War II, the Soviet Union invaded Finland in November 1939, leading to the Winter War. Despite being heavily outnumbered, Finland put up a strong resistance. The war ended in March 1940 with the Moscow Peace Treaty, wherein Finland ceded approximately 11% of its territory to the Soviet Union but maintained its sovereignty. With the invasion of the Soviet Union by Nazi Germany in June 1941, Finland’s relations with Russia got yet more complicated, as Finland saw an opportunity to reclaim lost territories joining German foces. Although initially successful, the tide of the war turned, and Finland sought peace with the Soviet Union in 1944, leading to the Armistice of Moscow and later the Paris Peace Treaty in 1947. Finland was required to cede additional territories, pay reparations, and undertake to limit its armed forces. To maintain its sovereignty and a working relationship with the Soviet Union, Finland adopted a policy of neutrality, carefully balancing its relations between the East and the West. While Finland maintained a market economy and a democratic government, it avoided actions that could be perceived as hostile by the Soviet Union. The approach was legalised by Friendship, Cooperation, and Mutual Assistance Treaty signed in 1948 between Finland and the Soviet Union.

The end of the Cold War and the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 removed the primary threat to Finland’s security and allowed it to pursue a more active role in international affairs, including joining the European Union and participating in NATO’s Partnership for Peace program though it remained for long time outside of NATO. Ultimately Finland joined NATO on 4 April 2023 following Russia’s aggression against Ukraine in February 2022.

Relations between Finland and Russia remain tense. Russia has been expanding its military infrastructure near the Finnish border, prompting Helsinki to bolster its own defences. The eastern border remains closed, with Finland accusing Russia of weaponising migration as a means of political pressure. Despite the strain, Finnish leaders, including President Alexander Stubb, have expressed a cautious openness to restoring ties in the future, contingent on the end of the war in Ukraine and Russia’s adherence to international law.

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Finland’s relations with Russia shortly explained

Pius XII. Pope of the Warfare Time and Harsh Politics

2024 By justmovingaround in History Tags: Pius XII, politics, pope, St. Peter's Basilica, Vatican

The pontificate of Pius XII spanned one of the most turbulent periods in modern history. Elected pope just months before the outbreak of the Second World War, he found himself navigating a Church caught between diplomacy, survival, and growing moral scrutiny. His actions – and silences – have sparked decades of debate.

St. Peter’s Basilica in the Vatican is both a place of pilgrimage and a major tourist destination — the most prominent Catholic church in the world. Like many sacred buildings, it holds an extensive collection of artworks. Among them are sculptures and mosaics which, from a distance, resemble paintings but are in fact intricate compositions made of tiny glass tesserae. Each carries its own meaning. Many of the statues commemorate saints and popes — names largely unfamiliar to me.

I moved slowly through the basilica, reading inscriptions, taking photographs, trying to make sense of what I saw. But without a deeper familiarity with Catholic history, I often found myself unable to place these figures in their historical roles. One in particular, however, stood out — both in posture and significance: Pope Pius XII, whose papacy unfolded during some of the most turbulent decades of the 20th century.

Pius XII – His Papacy and Political Setting

Pope Pius XII, born Eugenio Maria Giuseppe Giovanni Pacelli (1876–1958), served as head of the Catholic Church from 1939 until his death in 1958. His pontificate was notable not only for its length, but for the turbulent historical period it encompassed — including the rise of Benito Mussolini, the events of World War II, and the early years of the Cold War.

Before ascending to the papacy, Pacelli had already been a major figure in Vatican diplomacy, serving as Cardinal Secretary of State. In that role, he was deeply involved in negotiating the Lateran Pacts of 1929, signed under Pope Pius XI with then Italian Prime Minister Benito Mussolini. These agreements marked a legal, financial, and religious realignment between the Catholic Church and the Italian state, following decades of estrangement.

The Lateran Pacts consisted of three components. First, a political treaty established Vatican City as a sovereign state. Second, a financial convention provided compensation from the Italian government to the Holy See for the loss of the Papal States — including both a lump sum and a perpetual annuity. Third, a Concordat regulated the relationship between Church and State. It declared Catholicism the state religion of Italy, defined the legal and civil status of clergy, and introduced religious education into the national school system.

This settlement ended the so-called Roman Question — a conflict that had remained unresolved since the unification of Italy in 1870. It was not merely a religious agreement, but also a recognition of the Church as a political actor in modern Europe.

Challenges of Papal Diplomacy in Fascist Europe

During Pius XII’s lifetime, Italy was under Fascist rule, and the European balance of power was rapidly disintegrating. His early papacy coincided with the signing of the Nazi–Soviet Pact, the invasion of Poland, and the outbreak of the Second World War. Already serving as Cardinal Secretary of State, and now as pope, Pius XII was faced with the challenge of responding to Mussolini’s Fascist policies, many of which stood in direct contradiction to Catholic doctrine. These included Italy’s entry into the war and the introduction of racial laws, which imposed legal discrimination and aligned the regime more closely with Nazi ideology. What had begun as a career shaped by diplomacy was now overtaken by the demands of navigating a world in which religious and ethical values were being systematically dismantled.

Pius XII took an approach of deliberate silence. He did not speak out publicly or unambiguously on the persecution of Jews, the crimes of the Nazi regime, or the actions of totalitarian governments. In official documents, speeches and homilies, he refrained from naming countries, nationalities, or specific acts of genocide. When he did refer to suffering or violence, he did so in general terms, without identifying the perpetrators. He did not speak plainly. One striking example was the deportation of over a thousand Roman Jews in October 1943. Arrested by Nazi forces and taken from the very city in which the Vatican stood, they were sent to Auschwitz. The pope did not issue a public protest. No official statement was released, and no mass held in their name. The silence at that moment has become one of the most cited — and contested — aspects of his wartime record.

This stance has been interpreted by some scholars as passive complicity, and by others as a strategic decision, intended to avoid exacerbating the situation — particularly for Catholics and Jews living in Nazi-occupied territories.

Although Pius XII remained silent in public, numerous actions indicate that he was involved in discreet humanitarian efforts behind the scenes. Under his authority, Catholic institutions across Europe — including monasteries, convents, seminaries, and Church-run schools — provided shelter to Jews, political refugees, and others at risk. In Rome alone, over 4,000 Jews are estimated to have been hidden within religious buildings during the Nazi occupation. Approximately 477 sought refuge within the Vatican itself or at the papal residence in Castel Gandolfo.

In addition to providing shelter, some Church institutions issued false baptismal certificates and other forged identity documents to help individuals evade arrest and deportation. These actions were often carried out discreetly by local clergy — sometimes with tacit Vatican approval, and in certain cases, reportedly under direct papal instruction. While the documentation remains fragmentary, some testimonies and post-war investigations suggest that Pius XII was informed of these efforts and, in specific instances, either authorised them verbally or allowed them to proceed without interference. In Rome, the network of safe houses expanded significantly during the German occupation, and the fact that Vatican City itself sheltered hundreds of Jews strongly indicates at least a top-level awareness, if not formal coordination.

A Figure Still Under Review

Pius XII’s wartime policy remains the subject of ongoing historical scrutiny and debate. Interpretations vary depending on how his actions — or inactions — are assessed in light of the complex wartime context and the archival material that has become more accessible in recent years.

Under his leadership, the Vatican was required to navigate difficult moral ground: maintaining the recently recognised sovereignty of the Holy See, while also fulfilling the spiritual responsibilities of the papacy. His approach was defined by diplomatic caution and a consistent focus on practical humanitarian assistance, rather than public denunciation.

This strategy has drawn criticism from some historians, who view it as a failure to clearly condemn atrocities committed during the war. Others argue that it reflected a deliberate, constrained choice — shaped by the risks, the political realities of the time, and a belief that quiet intervention might achieve more than public confrontation.

In the end, Pius XII’s papacy stands as a case study in the use of silence — as a diplomatic tool, a moral posture, and a legacy that continues to challenge historical understanding. In that sense, Pius XII does not simply stand for what the Church did – or failed to do – during the war. He embodies a broader human dilemma: how to act when all options carry a cost. His legacy is not only about history, but about the present – a reminder that moral clarity often arrives only in hindsight.

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Pius XII. Pope of the Warfare Time and Harsh Politics

Bona Sforza

2024 By justmovingaround in History, ITALY, POLAND Tags: Bari, historic figure, Italy, Jagiellonians, Poland, Polish history, politics

Italian by birth, Polish by destiny – Bona Sforza, the ambitious princess from Milan, brought Renaissance flair to the Jagiellonian court and left a lasting mark on Poland’s politics, economy, and even its cuisine. Her life was a tale of power, ambition, and influence – stretching from Milan to Kraków, and ending in a mysterious death in Bari.

Bari is a city that is heard of in Poland from early childhood history lessons. In this city, one of the most influential queens in Polish history, Bona Sforza, was living before and after her stay in Poland. She became the Queen of Poland and Grand Duchess of Lithuania through her marriage to Sigismund I of Poland. It was only while staying with an Italian family near Bari that I learned that Bona Sforza was a significant figure in Bari, as well. Furthermore, that her modest sarcophagus is placed on the altar in the Basilica of Saint Nicholas in Bari.

From Milan to Cracow

Born 1494, in Milan, Italy, she was the daughter of Gian Galeazzo Sforza, Duke of Milan, and Isabella of Naples. Bona’s family, the Sforzas, were one of the leading families in Italy. Her childhood was affected by the political turmoil involving her family. The Sforza family’s power in Milan was contested. Her father died under mysterious circumstances when Bona was just a child. Soon after her father’s death, Duchess Isabella moved with her daughters to Bari. Bona’s Renaissance education covered languages, arts, and an introduction to politics, equipping her with linguistic proficiency and a foundational understanding of governance.

Isabella sought to arrange a favorable marriage for Bona to regain political influence and her former possessions. Despite initial unsuccessful attempts due to Isabella’s unfavorable political position, with the support of the Habsburgs, she eventually succeeded in arranging Bona’s marriage to the widowed Polish King Sigismund I.

In 1518, Bona Sforza married King Sigismund I of Poland, becoming Queen of Poland and Grand Duchess of Lithuania.

A Queen and Reformer

Her role as the Queen of Poland was marked by significant administrative reforms, among which the establishment of a permanent tax system was a major achievement. Although it must be said that she imposed and enforced these taxes with a firm hand. Prior to her influence, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth relied on irregular and often arbitrary taxation methods that were not only inefficient but also prone to exacerbating tensions between the monarchy and the nobility. By introducing a more systematic and regularized tax system, she brought about greater fiscal stability and predictability, which was essential for the effective governance and financial planning of the state. In addition to these fiscal reforms, Bona Sforza made concerted efforts to reduce the influence of the nobility by curbing their traditional privileges and powers, thereby centralizing authority under the monarchy.

Beyond her domestic reforms, Bona Sforza was deeply engaged in the foreign affairs of the Polish-Lithuanian realm. She openly opposed the growing influence of the Habsburgs in Central Europe and sought to counterbalance it through alliances with France and the Ottoman Empire. Her foreign policy was closely tied to her dynastic interests, as she worked to secure titles, lands and advantageous marriages for her children. Although some of her efforts were ultimately frustrated, she remained a shrewd political operator, whose ambitions extended well beyond the borders of her adopted country.

Bona Sforza played a notable role in the development of Renaissance culture in Poland. Hailing from Italy, she brought with her the refined tastes of the Italian courts and introduced them to the Polish royal household. She actively patronised artists, architects and craftsmen, many of whom she brought from her native land, leaving a lasting mark on the visual and architectural landscape of the kingdom. Under her influence, Wawel Castle was transformed with elegant arcaded courtyards in the Italian style. Beyond architecture, she encouraged literary and educational pursuits, helping to shape a more sophisticated and cosmopolitan court culture.

She also had a considerable impact on Polish agriculture and cuisine. She introduced important agricultural reforms, including new crops and farming techniques. While the idea that she single-handedly brought vegetables to Poland is somewhat exaggerated, she did play a significant role in promoting their wider use at the royal court and among the nobility. As a noblewoman from Italy – where Renaissance culinary culture was particularly rich and diverse – she brought with her knowledge of produce that was not commonly used in Poland at the time. Her influence contributed to a gradual shift in dietary habits, particularly among the upper classes.

Norman-Swabian Castle, Bari, Italy | Castello Normanno-Svevo, Bari, Italia | Château normand-souabe de Bari, Italie | Normannisch-staufische Burg, Bari, Italien | Castillo normando-suabo, Bari, Italia | Zamek normańsko-szwabski w Bari, Włochy | Норманно-Швабский замок, Бари, Италия | 巴里诺曼-施瓦本城堡，意大利 | バーリのノルマン・シュヴァーベン城

Power Struggles and Exile

Bona Sforza, towards the end of King Sigismund I’s reign and after his death in 1548, faced increasing animosity from the Polish nobility due to her strong political influence and centralizing reforms. Her relationship with her son, Sigismund II Augustus, became fraught with tension, as well. After he ascended to the throne, their differing views on state affairs exacerbated the strain in their relationship. A major source of conflict was also her son’s marriage to Barbara Radziwiłł from one of the most influential Polish-Lithuanian noble families. Bona viewed it as politically damaging and personally threatening, as it would strengthen his wife’s family influence at court while diminishing her own.

Consequently, for long eight years she moved with her daughters to Brodnica in Mazovia Poland. Finally she made the decision to leave Poland and return to Italy to Bari, marking the end of her direct involvement in Polish politics. Bona’s life came to an abrupt and mysterious end in 1557.

The Duchess of Bari

And here yet another fact from her life comes to light. Following her marriage to Sigismund I the Old in 1518, Bona was formally granted hereditary fiefs in southern Italy by Emperor Charles V of the Habsburg dynasty. These included the Duchy of Bari, the Principality of Rossano, as well as Modugno and Bitonto. These were highly lucrative estates situated in the Kingdom of Naples. Bona derived substantial income from them. She maintained financial independence and even loaned money to the Polish royal treasury. She was one of the wealthiest individuals in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and she handled her finances with remarkable diligence and care. For decades, even while residing in Poland, she administered her southern Italian fiefs through a network of trusted agents and correspondence. From the royal court in Kraków, she managed financial affairs, collected revenues, and oversaw local governance in the Duchy of Bari. This transregional management made her one of the most financially independent monarchs in Europe at the time.

When she eventually returned to Bari in 1556, she resumed direct rule and implemented a series of administrative and economic reforms. She strengthened tax collection, invested in urban infrastructure, and reasserted political control over her domains. Her presence in Bari reestablished the court as a center of local authority and Renaissance patronage — yet also drew the attention and hostility of the Spanish crown, particularly Philip II (son of Charles V), under whose rule the Kingdom of Naples now fell.

Bona died under suspicious circumstances. One of the historical hypotheses that has not been conclusively confirmed is the theory that she was poisoned by her secretary, Gian Lorenzo Pappacoda, who allegedly acted under orders from the Spanish crown. A forged will emerged, one that transferred her Italian holdings not to her son, as she had intended, but instead to Philip II. Poland’s diplomatic protests and claims were entirely ignored by the Spanish authorities.

She was buried in the Basilica of Saint Nicholas in Bari.

Basilica of Saint Nicholas, Bari, Italy | 圣尼古拉大教堂，巴里，意大利 | Basilica di San Nicola, Bari, Italia

Grób Bony Sforzy w Bari | Tomb of Bona Sforza in Bari | Tomba di Bona Sforza a Bari | Tombeau de Bona Sforza à Bari | Grab von Bona Sforza in Bari | Tumba de Bona Sforza en Bari | Могила Боны Сфорцы в Бари | 巴里博娜·斯福尔扎之墓 | バーリにあるボナ・スフォルツァの墓 | 바리에 있는 보나 스포르차의 무덤

When you enter the Basilica of St. Nicholas, at first you do not see the sarcophagus of Bona, then you only see it from behind the baldachin, which is located in front of the altar. To see the sarcophagus and the sculpture depicting Bona immersed in prayer, you have to approach the altar closer.

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